31
Tradición y fuentes islámicas en la obra de Alfonso el Sabio, Ma'had al-Dirasat al-Islamiya, III, 1955, 93-110.
32
Perhaps the «Estoria de los Alaraues» (II, 1, 39-41) refers to one of them. As the other authors whose names appear have not been «established» as indirect, it may be of use to list them: Aben Abez (I, 111a, 175a, 750a; presumably this is the same as Aben Abec: I, 152a, 361a), «Talquez el sabio en el libro delos reyes Pharaones» (I, 358a, 354a), «Miniamin el sabio... enel Libro de las Ymagines» (I, 382a), «Oab, un sabio» (I, 361b, 748b), «el libro de Ethefiuz» (I, 382b), and «Jayron el adevino» (I, 417a). With Oab, for example, there is no doubt; «sabio» is what Alfonso says about an author when he knows nothing of him. Yet «Jayron» appears to be used for material which the «Estoria de Egipto» omits. There are three names Solalinde missed: Aben Acelim (I, 111a, 361a), «Manquiel el sabio» (I, 354a, 760a), and «el libro dun sabio que dixieron Yleo» (I, 382a), describing a temple of «Affronditiz», «el mas sabio adevino e estrellero que en Egypto auie estonces». It should perhaps be added, in view of this and similar items, that a seventh-century Arab could have obtained in Egypt little if any information on Egypt that had not come through the Greeks of centuries before.
33
De excidio Troiae historia, ed. F. Meister, Leipzig 1873. Humphrey Courtney re-edits this work in his unpublished thesis, A Study of Eighteen Manuscripts of Dares Phrygius, St. Louis Univiversity, 1959. Since writing this article, it has come to my attention that another edition, done with no knowledge of Courtney's thesis, has been published by Jürgen Stohlmann, Beihefte zum Mittellateinischen Jahrbuch, 1, Wuppertal-Ratingen-Düsseldorf 1968.
34
On II, 2, 159 there is a curious description of how he and Dictis met by chance after the war, and decided to collaborate on a history. The works attributed to them were obviously not produced jointly; presumably this misinformation is Alfonso's doing.
35
Certainly some source besides Dares was used, as an «Estoria de Troya» is frequently cited (I, 279a, 329b; II, 1, 34a, 53a, 54a, 85-88, 113a; II, 2, 13a, 21a, 50a). The work referred to was not that entitled Liber Ystoriarum Romanorum (E. Monaci, Storie de Troja et de Roma altrimenti dette Liber Ystoriarum Romanorum, Rome, 1920), although this work is cited by its incipit (II, 1, 33b) as Solalinde noted (I, XV, n. 7). Neither is it the anonymous Excidium Troiae, nor Guido delle Colonne. E. Atwood and V. Whitaker, in the introduction to their edition of the Excidium, Cambridge (Mass.) 1944, XLII-LVIII, analyse the «additional» material of the Troy story in the GE and a very diverse group of other vernacular renditions. They conclude the need of positing some Latin source which has since been lost.
36
Ed. Mayhoff, in the Teubner series. The chapter references which Alfonso gives («Sobreste departimiento cuenta Plinio enel dozeno capitulo del quinto libro dela Natural Estoria...») do not always agree with the modern text divisions.
37
De historiis philippicis, ed. Galdi, in Corpus Scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum, N.º 43, 1921.
38
I am indebted for the identification of the «Estoria de Assiria» to Shoemaker, Op. Cit., p. 214.
39
W. J. Entwistle, The Arthurian Legend in the Literatures of the Spanish Peninsula, London, 1925, p. 37. Entwistle states that the oracle of Diana is omitted; this confusion arose because he was working from a copy of a single manuscript. Geoffrey of Monmouth is edited by A. Griscom, London, 1929. Since this article was written, Lloyd Kasten has published a study of Alfonso's utilization of Geoffrey of Monmouth: The Utilization of the Historia Regum Britanniae by Alfonso X, HR, 38, 1970, 97-114.
40
See Note 3. The relationship between Alfonso and Lucan has been discussed by V. J. Herrero Llorente, Influencia de Lucano en la obra de Alfonso el Sabio. Una traducción anónima e inédita, Rev. Arch. Bibl. Mus. LXVII, 2, 1959, 697-715. He prints several pages from Part V, as does Rubio Álvarez in Ciudad de Dios, CLXXI, 1958, 83-95.