41
«The Personages of the Poema de Mio Cid and the Date of the Poem», MLR, 66 (1971), 580-98, at p. 593.
42
«Tres leyendas heroicas», pp. 171-73. Although Martínez is primarily concerned with the tradition of Sancho II in Najerense, he deals in these pages with the EE version.
43
To recapitulate: Entwistle, «On the Carmen» showed that the Carmen had once existed, that Najerense (and probably the epitaph on the king's tomb at Oña) drew on it, and that lines of Latin verse could be reconstructed from Najerense's prose. Menéndez Pidal, «Relatos poéticos en las crónicas medievales: nuevas indicaciones», RFE, 10 (1923), 329-72, at pp. 344-50, and Reig, El cantar de Sancho II y cerco de Zamora, pp. 31-42. argued the case for a vernacular Cantar, probably composed in the reign of Alfonso VI. Their arguments were plausible though not conclusive, but the matter has been put beyond doubt by the researches of Martínez and Fraker.
44
There is a persistent tradition of an incestuous relationship between Urraca and Alfonso: see E. Lévi-Provencal and Ramón Menéndez Pidal, «Alfonso VI y su hermana la infanta Urraca», Al-Andalus, 13 (1948), 157-66, rpt. in Menéndez Pidal, Miscelánea histórico-literaria, Colección Austral, 1110 (Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe, 1952), pp. 79-88. What is more, as that article shows, the tradition is probably well founded. On the alternative (or complementary) tradition of Urraca's love for the young Cid, see Samuel G. Armistead, «"The Enamored Doña Urraca" in Chronicles and Balladry», RPh, 11 (1957-58), 26-29.
45
Fraker believes that the first Cantar also contained the Jura de Santa Gadea, in which the Cid compels Alfonso to swear three times that he had no part in his brother's murder, it seems more likely, however, that the poem ended with the reto and duels: see Jules Horrent, «La jura de Santa Gadea: historia y poesía», in Studia philologica: homenaje ofrecido a Dámaso Alonso, 2 (Madrid: Gredos, 1961), 241-65, supported by Chalon, pp. 283-86.
46
Justo Pérez de Urbel, Sancho el Mayor de Navarra (Madrid: Diputación Foral de Navarra, 1950), p. 202. This assumption of the dead García's title is, as Mr. David Hook points out to me, evidence rather for what Castile's new Navarrese rulers expected of their subjects than for the attitude of the Castillans themselves (just as the proclamation of the infant heir to the English throne as Prince of Wales in 1301, twenty-four years after the surrender of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd, tells us more about the attitudes of the English rulers than about those of the Welsh people). Yet, even with this necessary reservation, it seems to me significant that Sancho el Mayor found it worth while to confer the title on his son, and that in due course that son should become the real as well as the nominal ruler of Castile. The historically inconect statement of some chronicles that Sancha's second betrothal was to Sancho el Mayor's son García (see Chalon, pp. 537 and 555) may well be relevant to this problem, and would repay further study.
47
See, for example. Colin Smith, «On the Distinctiveness of the Poema de Mio Cid», in Mio Cid Studies, ed. A. D. Deyermond (London: Tamesis, in press).
48
Historia y epopeya, p. 271. I am grateful to Mr. David Hook. Professor Colin Smith, Professor Joseph Snow, and Dr. Geoffrey West for reading and commenting on a draft of this article, and to Professor Samuel G. Armistead for supplying me with a copy of important but almost inaccessible material. Their help does not, of course, imply any responsibility for my speculations.